Tuesday, December 10, 2019

Kosovo Was An Intervention Needed Essay Example For Students

Kosovo: Was An Intervention Needed? Essay Was an Intervention Needed? If you asked somebody about Kosova three years ago, they would hardly even know where it is. They would maybe respond with an attitude that Kosova should be somewhere in Asia or Africa. Today, however, people in all continents have at least some information about the conflict. The year 1999 brought Kosova conflict to the television screens all over the world. Daily images of fleeing refugees or the ones of the NATO air raids could be heartbreaking for everyone who had prejudices about the sides of the conflict, or for a person living far away from the region and knowing nothing about it. To correctly approach the causes and effects of NATO intervention, it is necessary to place the plot some ten years earlier in 1989, when the change in the constitution of Kosova occurred. Set in 1974 the constitution ensured Kosova an autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Therefore, the change of this constitution in 1989 whereas Kosova was denied its autonomy brought about the first signs of disagreeable institutions based on national identity. Over the next ten coming years, Kosova is about to accumulate in itself the demands and dissatisfaction of both Albanians, who firmly advocated separation from the Serbia’s full administration, and Serbs, who constantly promoted the necessity of remaining under the govern of the Republic of Serbia. The long disputed conflict in this region between ethnic Albanians and Serbs living in Kosova reached a big eruption of violence in 1998. In spring of 1999, the nine most powerful countries of the world started peace negotiati ons in Rambuillet, France, between both sides of the conflict. Rambuillet gathered together the Albanian delegation made of moderate leader Ibrahim Rugova and the representatives of the KLA (Kosova Liberation Army) that was fighting for the independence, and the Serbian delegation made of Yugoslav selected officials of the government. It is inevitable fact that neither of the delegations involved in the conflict was satisfied with the peace terms set by the Rambuillet mediators, since they did not comply with all demands made by both delegation. However, the closing stages of the Rambuillet negotiations brought about the acceptance of the given peace terms by the Albanian delegation and refusal of the same peace terms by the Serbian delegation. The refusal furthermore led to the utilization of the bombings, which were purposely used as a pressure on the Serbian side, until they accepted the agreement. Apart from the two different sides in the conflict, NATO intervention itself caused the separation of the pro and contra promoters and an open political debate. There were two major sides advocating and opposing the military intervention. One was the survival of media in the country of Yugoslavia that is described by Peter Goff in his book Kosovo News and Propaganda as â€Å"one of the worst pseudo-democratic countries in the world to work in as a free-minded journalist† (29). This statement includes the fact that TV channels always informed from the perspective of the Government of Serbia and thus denied people’s freedom of speech. The Yugoslav media accused NATO for violating the country’s sovereignty and called it a criminal organization. The other major side was the alliance of the NATO countries led by the U.S. media, a media that justified NATO’s attack by referring to it as a purely â€Å"humanitarian intervention.† However, as Bruce Franklin presents the success of the American media to justify its deeds by stating that: â€Å"In this magnificent triumph of techno war, America’s images of its wars had seemingly reached perfection.† (449). American media, according to Bruce Franklin is facing a constant advance towards betterment in providing war information. Franklin’s example of the military intervention in the Gulf War against Iraq in August 1990 and the use of technology of warfare in it can be applied also in the latest case of intervention in Kosova, where NATO applied American technology in informing. Saving Private Ryan Summary Essayâ€Å"NATO’s action released a humanitarian catastrophe. The international ‘community’ let Macedonia and Albania carry 98% of the burden, and relieved itself of the frightening perspective of having the refugees flood EU Europe. The US – generously – suggested that it would take 20.000 and store them on its military base†¦in Cuba!† (Oberg 2)However, Solana was hoping that President Milosevic would quickly accept the demands of the international community that included â€Å"the return of all refugees;†(2) Solana admits the consequences and the risk that could occur by the start of the bombing campaign in Yugoslavia stating:The humanitarian tragedy was not likely to be stopped within a few days. The military risks to our soldiers would be significant. Civilian casualties might occur. Our important relationship with Russia was likely to suffer. And last but not least, NATO would be charged by some w ith taking international law into its own hands.(1)At the near end of the article Oberg introduces the idea of â€Å"Telling the truth†(4), by a fair argument commenting on both sides of the conflict:It is often said that the West cannot rely on Milosevic/the Serbs/ Belgrade regime. True- but remember! The West supports democracy but openly and tactically supported authoritarian regimes in Zagreb, Sarajevo and Albania (including the KLA leadership)(4). From the presentation of both articles which justify and accuse NATO for its intervention in Kosova, it is obvious the fact that such a political debate will continue to be argued about. The topic will remain controversial whenever a new conflict emerges and whenever NATO intervention is about to occur. Even though there is a time difference between the articles; Solana’s article was published during the air strikes, while Oberg’s article was published right after the end of the bombing, they both address the problem from the broader perspective. Therefore, the arguments from these two articles will also be valid to be contrasted now, tomorrow, or in the long-term future. Political Issues

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